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India and UN Security Council Reform Explained

UN Security Council reform is the long-running effort to change the size, membership, voting rules and working methods of the United Nations Security Council so that it reflects today’s world rather than the world of 1945, and India’s bid for a permanent seat is one of its most prominent strands. India argues that a Council with five permanent members chosen after the Second World War cannot speak credibly for a world in which Asia, Africa and Latin America hold most of the population.

The debate is old, formal and unresolved. The General Assembly has discussed it for more than three decades, but changing the Council requires an amendment to the UN Charter, and that in turn needs the support of all five permanent members. The sections below explain how the Council is structured, what reform camps want, and why progress has been slow.

Attribute Details
Body United Nations Security Council (UNSC), a principal organ of the UN
Created 1945, under the UN Charter (Chapter V)
Membership 15 members: 5 permanent and 10 elected non-permanent
Permanent members (P5) China, France, Russia, the United Kingdom and the United States
Last enlargement 1965, when non-permanent seats rose from 6 to 10 (total from 11 to 15)
Non-permanent term Two years, with five seats elected each year by the General Assembly
Decision rule Nine affirmative votes out of 15, with no veto from any permanent member
India’s non-permanent terms Eight, most recently 2021-22

Key Takeaways

  • The United Nations Security Council has 15 members, of which five (China, France, Russia, the United Kingdom and the United States) are permanent and hold the power of veto.
  • The Security Council has been enlarged only once, in 1965, when non-permanent seats rose from six to ten; the five permanent seats have not changed in membership since the 1970s.
  • India is the world’s most populous country, a large economy and a long-standing contributor of troops to UN peacekeeping, and it seeks a permanent seat on a reformed Security Council.
  • The G4 group (India, Brazil, Germany and Japan) backs new permanent seats for its members, while the Uniting for Consensus group opposes adding permanent seats and prefers more elected seats.
  • Amending the UN Charter to reform the Security Council requires a two-thirds vote in the General Assembly and ratification by two-thirds of members, including all five permanent members.
  • The Intergovernmental Negotiations (IGN) on Security Council reform have run in the General Assembly since 2009 without producing an agreed negotiating text or a formal amendment.

What is the UN Security Council and how is it structured?

The United Nations Security Council (UNSC) is the UN organ with primary responsibility for maintaining international peace and security, and it has 15 members: five permanent and ten non-permanent. It is the only UN body whose decisions are legally binding on all member states.

The five permanent members, often called the P5, are China, France, Russia, the United Kingdom and the United States. They were the principal Allied powers at the end of the Second World War. Chinese representation passed from the Republic of China to the People’s Republic of China in 1971, and Russia took over the Soviet Union’s seat after 1991.

The ten non-permanent members are elected by the General Assembly for two-year terms, with five new members chosen each year. Seats are distributed by region: three for Africa, two for Asia-Pacific, one for Eastern Europe, two for Latin America and the Caribbean, and two for Western European and Other States. A member that has just completed a term cannot be immediately re-elected.

The Council can impose sanctions, authorise peacekeeping missions, establish tribunals and, under Chapter VII of the Charter, authorise the use of force. Presidency of the Council rotates monthly among members in English alphabetical order.

What is the veto and why is it central to the reform debate?

The veto is the power of each permanent member of the Security Council to block any substantive resolution by voting against it, even if the other fourteen members vote in favour. This power comes from Article 27 of the UN Charter, which requires that substantive decisions have nine affirmative votes including the concurring votes of the permanent members.

Supporters of the veto argue that it keeps the great powers inside the UN system and prevents the Council from adopting measures that its most powerful members would refuse to enforce. Critics argue that it can paralyse the Council in precisely those crises, from regional wars to mass atrocities, where action is most needed, and that it gives five states a privilege that no other state enjoys.

Reform proposals therefore deal with the veto in different ways. Some call for abolishing it; others propose limiting it, for example by restricting its use in cases of genocide and mass atrocity; and the G4 has said that new permanent members should in principle have the same responsibilities and obligations as existing ones, while indicating flexibility on exercising the veto for an initial period.

In April 2022, the General Assembly adopted a resolution requiring it to meet within ten working days after a veto is cast to debate the situation. This does not change the veto itself, but it adds public accountability to its use.

Why do countries say the Security Council needs reform?

Countries say the Security Council needs reform because its composition reflects the power balance of 1945, not the present world. The UN had 51 founding members; it now has 193, and most of the additional members are from Asia, Africa and Latin America, which have no permanent representation at all.

The main arguments for reform are as follows.

  • Representation: Africa has more than fifty member states but no permanent seat, and Latin America and the Caribbean also have none. South Asia, home to a quarter of humanity, is not represented among the permanent members.
  • Legitimacy: A Council that does not reflect the world’s population and economies risks losing authority, and its resolutions risk being seen as the preferences of a few.
  • Effectiveness: Emerging powers contribute troops, funds and diplomacy to peacekeeping and development, and many argue they should have a corresponding voice in decisions.
  • Working methods: Transparency, consultation with troop-contributing countries and the rules for drafting resolutions are also targets for improvement.

The 2005 World Summit and the 2024 Pact for the Future, both adopted by world leaders, expressed support for reforming the Council, and the 2024 pact specifically acknowledged the historic injustice done to Africa. These documents are political statements and do not themselves change the Charter.

What is India’s case for a permanent seat?

India’s case for a permanent seat rests on its size, its record in the United Nations and its claim to represent the developing world. India is the most populous country in the world, is among the larger economies, is a nuclear-weapon state with a democratic political system, and has been a member of the UN since its founding in 1945.

India has been one of the largest contributors of troops to UN peacekeeping operations over the decades, with personnel having served in dozens of missions across Africa, Asia and the Middle East. It has also served eight two-year terms as an elected member of the Security Council, most recently in 2021-22.

Indian officials describe the current Council as a product of an earlier era and often raise the point that the permanent membership does not include any country from Africa, Latin America or South Asia. India has supported the principle that the expansion should include both permanent and non-permanent categories and that developing countries should be fully represented.

Several permanent members, including France, the United Kingdom, Russia and the United States, have stated public support in principle for India’s permanent membership. China has said it supports greater representation of developing countries in the Council, but it has not endorsed India’s candidacy for a permanent seat. Support in principle, however, does not by itself deliver a Charter amendment.

What is the G4 and what does it propose?

The G4 is a group of four countries, India, Brazil, Germany and Japan, that support each other’s bid for permanent membership of the Security Council. The group was formed in 2004 and has since issued joint statements calling for early reform.

The G4 proposal calls for expanding the Council to include both permanent and non-permanent categories, typically to around twenty-five members. Its draft models have proposed six new permanent seats, usually two for Africa, two for Asia-Pacific (naturally including the G4’s Asian members), one for Latin America and the Caribbean and one for Western European and Other States, with additional non-permanent seats.

In 2005, the G4 circulated a draft resolution to this effect in the General Assembly, but it was never put to a vote because it lacked sufficient support, in part because of disagreement with the African Union’s position. Since then the G4 has concentrated on supporting a negotiating process and on gathering endorsements from other member states.

The G4 also faces regional objections: each member has neighbouring or rival states that oppose its elevation, which is why the formula of a larger Council with several new permanent members has remained controversial.

What is the Uniting for Consensus group and what does it want?

Uniting for Consensus (UfC) is a group of middle-sized countries that opposes the creation of new permanent seats and instead proposes enlarging the Council with more elected, non-permanent seats. It was formed in the 1990s, and it is sometimes referred to by its older nickname, the Coffee Club.

The group has been associated with countries such as Italy, Pakistan, Mexico, Egypt, Argentina, South Korea, Spain, Canada and Turkey, although membership has varied over time. Its core argument is that adding new permanent members would create additional entrenched privileges and would be unfair to regional rivals and to the many states that rarely win election to the Council.

UfC proposals envisage a Council of about twenty-five members, with the new seats being elected for longer terms, for example three or five years, with the possibility of immediate re-election in some versions. This would give regional groups flexibility to rotate countries in and out.

The group argues that its model is more democratic because all new seats would be subject to election, while the G4 argues that its model better reflects the real weight of leading states. This disagreement is one of the main obstacles to consensus.

What is the African position on Security Council reform?

The African position on Security Council reform is set out in the Ezulwini Consensus of 2005 and the Sirte Declaration, which call for Africa to have no fewer than two permanent seats with full veto rights and five non-permanent seats. Africa argues that it is the continent most affected by Council decisions, since many peacekeeping missions and sanctions regimes concern African states.

The African Union’s position differs from the G4’s in its demand for the veto for new permanent members. The African position is built on historical redress, and the member states are generally united behind it, although they have not agreed which African countries should hold permanent seats.

The table below compares the main reform camps.

Group Permanent seats Non-permanent seats Veto position
G4 (India, Brazil, Germany, Japan) Six new permanent seats proposed Several new seats, including for small states New permanent members in principle equal, with flexibility on exercising the veto initially
Uniting for Consensus (UfC) No new permanent seats Larger number of elected seats with longer or renewable terms Favours restricting or regulating veto use
African Union (Ezulwini Consensus) Two for Africa Five for Africa Full veto rights for new permanent members, while ultimately seeking abolition
Current P5 Positions differ individually Generally open to modest expansion Reluctant to give up the veto

What are the Intergovernmental Negotiations on Security Council reform?

The Intergovernmental Negotiations (IGN) are the formal process in the UN General Assembly through which member states discuss Security Council reform, and they have been under way since 2009 following a General Assembly decision in 2008. Their formal title is the question of equitable representation on and increase in the membership of the Security Council and related matters.

The IGN process covers five key issues:

  • Categories of membership (permanent, non-permanent and possible intermediate categories)
  • The question of the veto
  • Regional representation
  • The size of an enlarged Council and its working methods
  • The relationship between the Security Council and the General Assembly

An earlier body, the Open-Ended Working Group on the question, was created in 1993. The shift to the IGN in 2008-09 was meant to move from general discussion towards real negotiation, but the process has mostly consisted of positions restated each year.

A long-standing demand, led by India and other developing countries, is for text-based negotiations, in which governments negotiate a single document and amend it line by line. Opponents argue that producing a text before agreeing on principles would only deepen divisions. A framework document compiling member states’ positions was prepared in 2015, but it did not resolve the underlying disagreements.

Why has Security Council reform stalled?

Security Council reform has stalled because it requires agreement from an unusually high number of actors who have conflicting interests, and because any reform needs the consent of the very countries whose privileges would be affected. Article 108 of the UN Charter requires amendments to be adopted by a two-thirds vote of the General Assembly and then ratified by two-thirds of member states, including all five permanent members.

Several obstacles combine to hold back reform:

  • Competing formulas: The G4, UfC and the African Union back different models, and each group is large enough to block the others in the General Assembly.
  • Regional rivalries: States fear the elevation of a neighbour, which makes it hard to agree on who should receive permanent seats.
  • P5 caution: The permanent members are generally reluctant to dilute their own influence or to open the Charter, which could invite other amendments.
  • The veto question: Neither extending the veto to new members nor denying it to them is acceptable to all sides.
  • Geopolitical tension: Divisions among the permanent members themselves on major crises reduce appetite for institutional change.

The only enlargement in history, in 1965, was agreed at a time when the number of UN members had risen sharply because of decolonisation, and it did not touch permanent membership. This precedent shows that expansion of the non-permanent category is easier than creating new permanent seats.

What could happen next?

The most likely near-term outcomes of Security Council reform are incremental changes to working methods and to the use of the veto, rather than a sweeping new composition. The 2022 veto-accountability resolution is an example of what is achievable without amending the Charter.

Other possible paths include an interim or intermediate category of longer-term seats that are renewable and not permanent, a larger number of elected seats with specific allocation for Africa, and a review clause under which any new arrangement would be revisited after a fixed period such as fifteen years. Such compromise models try to bridge the gap between the G4 and UfC positions.

India continues to pursue both tracks. It campaigns for a permanent seat, works with the G4 and the African states, and also seeks election as a non-permanent member from time to time, using its terms to show its contribution to Council work. Whether the broader reform succeeds depends mainly on political will among the P5 and on compromise among reform groups.

Bottom Line

UN Security Council reform is widely supported in principle but remains blocked in practice by disagreements on permanent seats, the veto and regional rivalry. India’s bid for a permanent seat is backed by many members and several of the P5, but a Charter amendment needs near-universal consent. Change is therefore likely to come slowly and through compromise formulas.

Frequently Asked Questions

How many members does the UN Security Council have?

The UN Security Council has 15 members: five permanent members and ten elected non-permanent members. The permanent members are China, France, Russia, the United Kingdom and the United States, while the ten others are elected by the General Assembly for two-year terms.

Why does India want a permanent seat on the UN Security Council?

India wants a permanent seat because it argues that the current Council does not reflect the present world, in which India is the most populous country and one of the larger economies. India also points to its long record of contributing troops to UN peacekeeping and to the absence of any permanent member from Africa, Latin America or South Asia.

What are the G4 and Uniting for Consensus?

The G4 is a group of India, Brazil, Germany and Japan that supports new permanent seats for its members. Uniting for Consensus is a rival group that opposes new permanent seats and instead proposes more elected seats with longer or renewable terms.

Can the UN Charter be changed to reform the Security Council?

Yes, but the process is demanding. A Charter amendment needs a two-thirds vote in the General Assembly and ratification by two-thirds of member states, including all five permanent members, which means any permanent member can effectively block it.

When was the Security Council last expanded?

The Security Council was last expanded in 1965, when the number of non-permanent members rose from six to ten and the total from 11 to 15. The list of permanent members has not been enlarged, apart from the change in who represents China in 1971 and Russia’s succession to the Soviet seat after 1991.

Which permanent members support India’s bid?

France, the United Kingdom, Russia and the United States have publicly expressed support in principle for India’s permanent membership of a reformed Security Council. China supports greater representation for developing countries but has not endorsed India’s candidacy for a permanent seat.

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