India-Central Asia Relations Explained

India-Central Asia relations describe the political, economic, cultural and security ties between India and the five landlocked republics of Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan. Although the two regions are separated by the mountains of Afghanistan and the territory of Pakistan, they share a long history of trade, religion, art and migration along the Silk Road, and New Delhi today treats Central Asia as a vital part of its “extended neighbourhood”.

Since the five republics became independent after the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991, India has steadily built a relationship that spans diplomacy, energy, education, defence and connectivity. The relationship was given a formal framework through the Connect Central Asia policy of 2012 and was lifted to the leaders’ level with the first India-Central Asia Summit in 2022. This explainer traces how the partnership evolved, what each country offers, and what challenges remain.

Historical and Civilisational Background

The links between the Indian subcontinent and Central Asia are older than any modern state. The Kushan Empire of the first centuries CE straddled both regions and helped spread Buddhism northwards from Gandhara and Mathura into the oasis cities of Central Asia and onwards to China. Buddhist monasteries, stupas and manuscripts found in places such as Termez, Bamiyan and the Tarim basin show how deeply Indian religious and artistic ideas travelled along the Silk Road.

Movement in the other direction was equally significant. Turkic and Persianate dynasties from Central Asia repeatedly entered India, and Babur, the founder of the Mughal dynasty in 1526, was born in the Fergana valley, in present-day Uzbekistan. Persian, which functioned as a court language across the Mughal domains, carried Central Asian literary culture into northern India, and cuisine, architecture, music and dress still bear traces of this exchange. Indian merchants, including communities from Multan and Shikarpur, ran trading networks in cities such as Bukhara and Samarkand for centuries.

The Soviet interlude

During the twentieth century the Central Asian republics were part of the Soviet Union, and India’s friendship with Moscow gave Indians limited but warm access to the region. A notable moment was the Tashkent Agreement of January 1966, signed in what is now Uzbekistan’s capital after the 1965 war with Pakistan, which ended with the death of Prime Minister Lal Bahadur Shastri in Tashkent. Cultural exchange also flourished: Indian films, especially Raj Kapoor’s, were hugely popular, a legacy that survives in the region’s affection for Bollywood.

The Post-1991 Reset

When the Soviet Union dissolved in December 1991, India was among the first countries to recognise the five new republics and to open diplomatic missions in their capitals. The early years were shaped by India’s own economic reforms and by a regional environment that was difficult: the civil war in Tajikistan, instability in Afghanistan and the rise of the Taliban in the 1990s made direct engagement hard.

Still, India invested in goodwill. It offered technical and economic training through the Indian Technical and Economic Cooperation (ITEC) programme, which brought Central Asian officials, engineers and diplomats to Indian institutions. Leaders from the region visited New Delhi, and early agreements on trade, culture and double taxation were signed. Yet through the 1990s and early 2000s, engagement remained modest compared with that of Russia, China, Turkey and Iran.

A turning point came with the strategic partnership agreements India concluded with individual republics. Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan and Tajikistan were among those that elevated their ties with India to a strategic level in the late 2000s and early 2010s, creating regular consultation mechanisms in foreign affairs, defence and economic cooperation. These bilateral frameworks set the stage for a more coherent regional policy.

The Connect Central Asia Policy (2012)

The Connect Central Asia policy was announced in 2012 at the first India-Central Asia Dialogue in Bishkek, Kyrgyzstan. Rather than a single treaty, it is a broad framework that organises India’s approach across several fronts, adopting a “proactive and pragmatic” tone towards a region India regards as strategically important. The policy is usually described as having several pillars.

• Political: high-level visits, regular consultations and support for each other’s positions in multilateral forums.
• Economic: investment, trade promotion, joint ventures and cooperation in energy, minerals and pharmaceuticals.
• Strategic and security: defence training, counter-terrorism cooperation and capacity building.
• Connectivity: overcoming the geographic barrier through air links, rail and sea corridors.
• Information technology and education: IT centres, e-networks and scholarships.
• Medical and people-to-people ties: health cooperation, tourism, culture and yoga.

Prime Minister Modi’s 2015 visit

The policy gained momentum in July 2015, when Prime Minister Narendra Modi visited all five Central Asian republics in a single tour, the first such visit by an Indian prime minister to cover the whole region. The tour produced agreements on uranium supply, defence cooperation, cultural exchange and connectivity, and symbolically signalled that Central Asia was now a priority rather than an afterthought.

The India-Central Asia Dialogue and Summit Mechanism

Institutionalising the relationship has been a major step. The India-Central Asia Dialogue began as a meeting at the level of senior officials and later of foreign ministers. A round held in Samarkand in 2019 was at the foreign ministers’ level and took up issues such as trade, connectivity, Afghanistan and counter-terrorism. A Joint Working Group on Afghanistan also became part of the discussions, reflecting the shared concern with stability in the immediate neighbourhood.

The first India-Central Asia Summit, 2022

The first India-Central Asia Summit took place on 27 January 2022, hosted by India in a virtual format because of the pandemic. It was attended by the presidents of all five countries and was held in the run-up to India’s Republic Day celebrations. Leaders agreed to make the summit a regular biennial event, to hold annual meetings of foreign, trade and culture ministers, and to set up a Secretariat in New Delhi to support the mechanism. They also discussed the Joint Working Group on Afghanistan, joint efforts on counter-terrorism and extremism, and cooperation in trade, health and education.

• A permanent secretariat to coordinate the dialogue.
• An India-Central Asia Business Council to bring industry bodies together.
• Cooperation on connectivity, including the use of Chabahar Port.
• Greater focus on development partnerships and capacity-building programmes.

The summit is significant because it converted what had been an essentially bilateral set of relations into a group-level process, similar to the way India engages with African and ASEAN countries.

Energy Cooperation: Uranium, Gas and Hydrocarbons

Energy is the most natural area of complementarity. Central Asia holds large reserves of hydrocarbons, uranium and critical minerals, while India is a fast-growing economy that imports a large share of its fuel needs and is expanding its nuclear power programme.

Uranium from Kazakhstan

Kazakhstan is among the world’s largest producers of uranium. After India gained access to global nuclear commerce following the Indo-US civil nuclear arrangement and the 2008 waiver of the Nuclear Suppliers Group, it was able to sign supply contracts with Kazakhstan. The two sides concluded a civil nuclear cooperation agreement around 2009, and uranium purchases for India’s reactors have continued under long-term contracts. The cooperation is important for India’s goal of expanding low-carbon electricity.

Turkmen gas and the TAPI pipeline

Turkmenistan holds some of the largest natural gas reserves in the world. The proposed Turkmenistan-Afghanistan-Pakistan-India (TAPI) pipeline is meant to bring gas from the Galkynysh field to the Indian market, ending near Fazilka in Punjab. A framework was agreed in the 2000s, an intergovernmental agreement was signed in 2010, and construction was ceremonially launched in Turkmenistan in 2015. Progress has been slow because the pipeline crosses regions of Afghanistan that remain insecure and because of political complexities involving Pakistan. TAPI therefore remains a long-term project rather than a delivered one, but it continues to feature in discussions between New Delhi and Ashgabat.

• Oil and gas: Indian public sector firms have explored participation in Kazakh hydrocarbon fields, including ONGC Videsh interest in Kazakhstan’s Caspian region.
• Hydropower: Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan have large hydropower potential and have held talks with Indian partners.
• Critical minerals: India’s interest in lithium, rare earths and other strategic minerals has added a new dimension to talks.

Connectivity: Chabahar, INSTC and the Ashgabat Agreement

Geography is the chief obstacle to deeper India-Central Asia ties. The shortest overland route runs through Pakistan and Afghanistan, and Pakistan does not permit Indian goods to transit its territory to Afghanistan and beyond. India has therefore sought routes through Iran.

Chabahar Port

Chabahar, on Iran’s Makran coast in the Gulf of Oman, is the key node. India has been developing the Shahid Beheshti terminal, and in 2016 India, Iran and Afghanistan signed a trilateral agreement on transit and transport through the port. Chabahar gives Afghanistan and the Central Asian states an alternative sea outlet that does not depend on Pakistani ports, and India’s state-owned operator has run the terminal under a contract with Iran; a longer-term operating agreement was signed in 2024. International sanctions politics around Iran has, however, repeatedly complicated progress.

The International North-South Transport Corridor

The INSTC is a multimodal route formally agreed in 2000 by India, Iran and Russia, linking Mumbai with Iranian ports, then by road and rail across Iran and the Caspian Sea to Russia and onward to Europe. Central Asian states, notably Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan, are important feeder countries through rail links. The route is designed to cut transit time and cost compared with the traditional sea route through the Suez Canal.

The Ashgabat Agreement

India acceded in 2018 to the Ashgabat Agreement, a multimodal transport and transit arrangement involving Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, Iran, Oman and others. Accession allows Indian traders to use the agreement’s facilitated customs and transit procedures and to access Central Asian markets through the Persian Gulf and Iran.

Security and Strategic Cooperation

For India, Central Asia sits at the crossroads of concerns about terrorism, extremism, narcotics trafficking and the stability of Afghanistan. All five republics are also wary of extremist networks and have an interest in cooperation with India.

The Shanghai Cooperation Organisation

India became a full member of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) in June 2017, at the summit in Astana. The SCO includes Russia, China and four Central Asian states, and its Regional Anti-Terrorist Structure (RATS), headquartered in Tashkent, shares intelligence on terrorism and extremism. India held the SCO chair in 2022-23 and hosted the summit in virtual form in 2023. Within the SCO, India has pressed for firm positions against cross-border terrorism.

Defence ties and exercises

India holds regular joint military exercises with several Central Asian countries, including KAZIND with Kazakhstan, Dustlik with Uzbekistan and Khanjar with Kyrgyzstan. Defence delegations, training slots for officers at Indian institutions and defence industry dialogue are routine. India has also had a long association with Tajikistan, where it is widely reported to have helped upgrade the Farkhor aviation facility, a link widely reported in the press, although it is a sensitive subject and details are rarely discussed in public.

Country-by-Country Snapshot

• Kazakhstan: the largest economy in the region and one of India’s principal trading partners there. Cooperation covers uranium, oil, pharmaceuticals, space, defence and the large-scale use of Indian IT services. The two countries describe their relationship as a strategic partnership.
• Uzbekistan: the most populous Central Asian state and a central player in regional connectivity. Ties include IT, pharmaceuticals, textiles, tourism and cultural links through Samarkand and Bukhara, with a strategic partnership in place since the early 2010s.
• Turkmenistan: important mainly for gas and for transit via the Ashgabat Agreement. It follows a policy of permanent neutrality recognised by the United Nations, so security cooperation with India is limited.
• Tajikistan: a close security partner given its border with Afghanistan. India has supported hydropower, health and training projects and has maintained a defence relationship for many years.
• Kyrgyzstan: known to Indians chiefly as a destination for medical education. Many Indian students attend medical universities there, while India supports IT and agricultural projects and holds the Khanjar exercise with Kyrgyz forces.

Trade, Investment and Development Partnership

Economic ties remain below potential. Total trade between India and the five republics is modest compared with their trade with China or Russia, mainly because of the absence of direct land access, differing banking systems and limited shipping options. India exports pharmaceuticals, machinery, tea, textiles and agricultural products and imports minerals, metals, fertilisers, edible oils and energy products.

To bridge the gap, India has used lines of credit, grants and training schemes. Projects include IT centres, language labs and skills training. Under the Indian Technical and Economic Cooperation programme, thousands of Central Asian professionals have been trained in India. Plans for a free trade arrangement with the Eurasian Economic Union, to which Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan belong, have also been discussed over many years. Pharmaceuticals are a particular strength, as many Central Asians use Indian generic medicines.

People-to-People Ties: Culture, Education and Soft Power

Cultural diplomacy is a pillar of the Connect Central Asia policy. Yoga, Bollywood, Indian classical dance and Ayurveda are widely appreciated, and Hindi is taught in universities in several capitals, including Tashkent. Sites connected with Indian history, such as monuments in Samarkand and the birthplace of Babur, attract Indian visitors.

Education is a growing connector. Indian students go to Central Asia, especially Kyrgyzstan and Kazakhstan, for medical degrees, while Central Asian students enrol in Indian universities with support from scholarships. The government has also offered e-network programmes for tele-education and tele-medicine. Direct flights, e-visa facilities and tourist promotion are intended to increase travel in both directions.

Challenges and the Road Ahead

Several obstacles keep the relationship from realising its full potential.

• Geography: India has no direct land border with the region, and transit through Pakistan is unavailable. Alternatives via Iran are costlier and politically exposed.
• Competition: China’s Belt and Road Initiative has delivered large-scale infrastructure investment in the region, and Russia retains deep security and economic ties through the Collective Security Treaty Organisation and the Eurasian Economic Union.
• Afghanistan: the change of government in Kabul in 2021 disrupted plans for overland links and raised security worries, even as India has kept humanitarian engagement going.
• Financing and logistics: shipping costs, banking channels and limited direct flights add friction to trade.

Looking ahead, the summit mechanism, the secretariat, new rail and shipping links, digital payments and cooperation in critical minerals and renewable energy offer the clearest opportunities. A steady, consistent approach, rather than dramatic announcements, is likely to define the future of the partnership.

Conclusion

India-Central Asia relations are built on ancient cultural links and modern strategic logic. India needs energy, minerals and a stable extended neighbourhood, while the five republics want diversified partners, access to the Indian Ocean and development support. Policies like Connect Central Asia and the summit mechanism have given structure to the ties, but their full promise depends on connectivity, particularly Chabahar and the INSTC. Last reviewed: 5 October 2026.

Frequently Asked Questions

Which countries make up Central Asia in India’s policy?

India’s Central Asia policy covers five republics: Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan. All five became independent in 1991 after the Soviet Union dissolved, and India engages with them both individually and as a group through the summit mechanism.

What is the Connect Central Asia policy?

Connect Central Asia is the policy framework announced by India in 2012. It organises engagement into political, economic, strategic, connectivity, IT, education, medical and people-to-people pillars, and aims to strengthen India’s presence in what it calls its extended neighbourhood.

When was the first India-Central Asia Summit held?

The first India-Central Asia Summit was held virtually on 27 January 2022 and was attended by the leaders of all five republics. They agreed to hold the summit every two years and to create a Secretariat in New Delhi to support the process.

Why is the TAPI pipeline important for India?

TAPI is designed to carry natural gas from Turkmenistan through Afghanistan and Pakistan to India, giving India access to one of the world’s largest gas reserves. However, security concerns in Afghanistan and political complexities have delayed progress, so it remains a long-term project.

How do Chabahar and the INSTC help India reach Central Asia?

Because Pakistan does not allow Indian goods to transit its territory, India uses Iran as a bridge. Chabahar Port offers a sea route to Iran, and the International North-South Transport Corridor links India with Russia and Central Asia through Iran and the Caspian Sea, cutting time and cost.

What role does the SCO play in India-Central Asia ties?

India joined the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation as a full member in 2017, giving it a regular platform to meet Central Asian leaders. The organisation’s focus on counter-terrorism and regional security complements bilateral cooperation between India and the five republics.

{“@context”:”https://schema.org”,”@graph”:[{“@type”:”FAQPage”,”mainEntity”:[{“@type”:”Question”,”name”:”Which countries make up Central Asia in India’s policy?”,”acceptedAnswer”:{“@type”:”Answer”,”text”:”India’s Central Asia policy covers five republics: Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan. All five became independent in 1991 after the Soviet Union dissolved, and India engages with them both individually and as a group through the summit mechanism.”}},{“@type”:”Question”,”name”:”What is the Connect Central Asia policy?”,”acceptedAnswer”:{“@type”:”Answer”,”text”:”Connect Central Asia is the policy framework announced by India in 2012. It organises engagement into political, economic, strategic, connectivity, IT, education, medical and people-to-people pillars, and aims to strengthen India’s presence in what it calls its extended neighbourhood.”}},{“@type”:”Question”,”name”:”When was the first India-Central Asia Summit held?”,”acceptedAnswer”:{“@type”:”Answer”,”text”:”The first India-Central Asia Summit was held virtually on 27 January 2022 and was attended by the leaders of all five republics. They agreed to hold the summit every two years and to create a Secretariat in New Delhi to support the process.”}},{“@type”:”Question”,”name”:”Why is the TAPI pipeline important for India?”,”acceptedAnswer”:{“@type”:”Answer”,”text”:”TAPI is designed to carry natural gas from Turkmenistan through Afghanistan and Pakistan to India, giving India access to one of the world’s largest gas reserves. However, security concerns in Afghanistan and political complexities have delayed progress, so it remains a long-term project.”}},{“@type”:”Question”,”name”:”How do Chabahar and the INSTC help India reach Central Asia?”,”acceptedAnswer”:{“@type”:”Answer”,”text”:”Because Pakistan does not allow Indian goods to transit its territory, India uses Iran as a bridge. Chabahar Port offers a sea route to Iran, and the International North-South Transport Corridor links India with Russia and Central Asia through Iran and the Caspian Sea, cutting time and cost.”}},{“@type”:”Question”,”name”:”What role does the SCO play in India-Central Asia ties?”,”acceptedAnswer”:{“@type”:”Answer”,”text”:”India joined the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation as a full member in 2017, giving it a regular platform to meet Central Asian leaders. The organisation’s focus on counter-terrorism and regional security complements bilateral cooperation between India and the five republics.”}}]}]}